Fri. Jul 19th, 2019

Proposals for voters who do not live in the same country

Política territorial: propuestas para electores que no viven en el mismo país

"But have they really visited the same country?" President
Kennedy this question was asked after reading the reports that were presented to him by his various advisers on the situation in Vietnam. Well, the same reflection could be formulated after a reading of the programs onterritorial policy which present the main parties for the 28-A elections.

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The proposals are so antagonistic They either do not seem destined for the same country, or they seem like the answer to a country at war with itself. And the language of exception that appears in some programmatic texts supports this last impression.

PP, Cs and Vox propose to recentralize and the PSOE rejects both the 155 and a referendum, which does support Podemos

The two pages that Vox dedicates to regional politics could be seen as an imaginary journey in time if that party had not obtained 400,000 votes in the Andalusian elections and did not have a key role in an eventual conservative majority. His first proposal says it all: "Suspension of Catalan autonomy until the unmitigated defeat of the coup." But what comes next is no less disturbing: "Suppression of the regional police"; "Immediate return to the State of the competencies of Education, Health, Security and Justice", and "suppression of the Basque concert and the Navarrese agreement".

The added problem of all these military proposals is that they are not only part of the right-wing program's acquis. Without going any further, a supposedly centrist party, such as Ciudadanos, defended until very recently the elimination in the medium term of the Basque and Navarrese concerts. And that same party is currently betting on the suppression sine die of Catalan autonomy, as a kind of definitive therapy to end the territorial conflict.

All these proposals seem designed in a foreign laboratory (French, for more) by some social engineering fans who ignore the complex history of Spain. As if the fueros, the Generalitat or the desire for self-government that beat on the whole of the skin of a bull were a recent creation, alien to the passage of centuries and the very gestation of the Spanish nation. Perhaps that is why the main party of the state right, the PP, makes them its own, but with a point of semantic ambiguity that leaves the door open to its random application and avoids accusations of unconstitutionality.

Catalan nationalism persists in the civil insurgency: referendum of self-determination and "Republic"

In any case, the contents of the popular program present remarkable coincidences, also rhetorical, with that of Vox. The objective remains to "recover the legality" in Catalonia against "the coup" of 1-O, as if this community had really become a republic governed by independentistas who, paradoxically, have fled Spain or have been in Spain for more than a year. prison. Of course, the popular do not intend to formally end the autonomic model (although they accept the return of powers) or with the Basque and Navarre fueros.

Even so, the recentralizador eagerness of the PP is appraised in the commitment to guard the exercise of the autonomic competitions, the approval of "harmonizing norms", the paralyzation "of new transfers to the autonomous communities" or the intervention of the Security Forces of the State "throughout the national territory." And for Catalonia, the PP also proposes to apply "for inexcusable time" and "in accordance" with article 155 of the Constitution "the" necessary measures "to ensure" the proper exercise of competencies "in education, public media or finance .

From the Spanish left, the territorial challenge is faced with a degree of imprecision directly proportional to the possibilities of governing. This is a debate that mobilizes the right-wing electorate and annoys the left-wing electorate. Therefore, the PSOE dispatches the matter in five pages of the nearly 300 of its electoral program, and in which it specifies more what it rejects than what it proposes: "Neither from the right of self-determination nor from a state of permanent territorial exception to Through Article 155, the future can be built. " From there, it would be "to strengthen the autonomic model"; "Recognize the uniqueness and political options of each" autonomy without affecting "the equality" of all citizens, or promote greater "participation of the autonomous communities in the decisions of the State."

We can bet, on the other hand, for "a referendum agreed" to resolve the Catalan conflict and for "transforming the Senate into a true Chamber of territorial representation". And it adds a novel but fragile "legal guarantee of territorial justice in investments".

On the other hand, and against the territorial militarization that PP, Cs and Vox programs point to, Catalan nationalism persists in the civil insurgency: referendum of self-determination and "Republic". But, meanwhile, ERC proposes to suppress the Senate and negotiate the immediate transfer of more than a dozen competences (or their conversion into plenary sessions, as -not least- the security ones). And in turn, JxCat is also committed to the transfer of new skills.

Finally, a question as capital of the autonomous model as the funding system does not register the level of detail it deserves in the programs of the parties. Right and left agree that it is necessary to reform it, but since the devil is in the details, they avoid going far beyond the great principles.

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